中国近代民族主义的殖民地起源：青岛个案研究（1897-1914）= The colonial origins of Chinese nationalism : Qingdao, 1897-1914
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中国近代民族主义往往被自然地理解为对帝国主义、殖民主义的反抗，但民族主义不仅包括对外维护民族独立的维度，还包括对内进行民族建构的维度，另外殖民者与受殖者之间的关系也并非是概念化的泾渭分明的简单二元对立，而是现实生活中互相作用、相互纠结的一种复杂状态，受殖者的民族主义无法摆脱这种复杂状态的制约。在近代中国这样一个并没有从整体上沦为殖民地但各种制度化的、完全的殖民统治存在于境内的半殖民地国家，民族主义与殖民主义之间的关系就更为复杂，有待探查。本论文以德占青岛（1897-1914）作为个案，对中国近代民族主义与殖民地经历之间的关系进行实例研究，以期梳理出殖民地经历在清末民初中国民族想象和民族认同政治中产生了何种影响。 民族主义并非一种整体一致的力量，民族主义的叙述和话语具有多样性和冲突性，因此论文主要按照不同社会群体来进行考察，对关涉德占青岛的维新派知识分子、清政府官员、华商、知识分子、革命党人、逊清遗老等社会群体各自对民族的想象、民族主义的话语、行动及其相互之间的竞争和协商进行了探查。尽管德占青岛是德国的一个殖民地，但是它并非孤立存在于近代中国社会之外，而是同中国内地之间存在着广泛的联系和不断的相互作用，并且德占青岛的发展对于殖民地之外某些重要的观念制造者的民族主义思想不无影响。 通过考察可以看到，在当时中国本土的能动性、选择能力、抵抗能力尚存的情况下，德占青岛作为展示德意志文明与技术的橱窗，对于中国近代民族国家和民族主义观念的形成有确切影响，刺激了本文所考察的各社会群体中观念生产者们对于民族的想象。德国人和中国人在青岛的相互作用不仅对中国人如何想象自己提出了挑战，而且使得中国人重新评价自己对于中国的理解及对近代民族主义的需要。一方面，在所考察的各社会群体的民族想像中对被殖民危机的恐惧和对一种不同〝文明〞的渴望特别突出，他们对于青岛德国殖民当局的心理可以普遍概括为〝畏羡交织〞，区别于通常所说的完全殖民地的民族主义者对殖民者〝爱恨交织〞的态度。另一方面，这种〝畏羡交织〞的心理使得许多官员和观念制造者质疑王朝统治与一个近代民族国家之间的关系，并且在民族主义话语的不同表述和竞争中，引出了中国人的忠诚与社会行动等更宽的问题。 Modern Chinese nationalism is usually understood as resistance to imperialism and colonialism. But nationalism also has a largely domestic dimension that is more concerned with the construction of social and political systems. While this process may be related to external affairs it is not solely dictated by it. Moreover, the nationalism of the colonized is inevitably conditioned by the complicated relationship between colonizer and the colonized. In China's case the picture was further complicated by the variety of colonial experiences and institutions to be found within its boundaries. These ranged from examples of institutionalised imperial colonialism through a range of forms of extra-territoriality to spheres of influence, all of which interacted with different parts of China in different ways. This thesis is a study of the German occupied colony of Qingdao (1897-1914) which explores the complexities of the relationship between nationalism and colonialism. Its aim is to highlight the impact of the colonial experience on the imagination of nation and the politics of national identity at the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of Republican China. Nationalism is not a single, uncomplicated force, but inevitably consists of diverse and conflicting narratives and discourses of nation. To understand this complexity, the thesis approaches the topic through an examination of various social groups, looking at their conceptualisation of the nation, and their nationalistic discourses. In particular it considers the actions of and interactions amongst the Chinese reformists, Qing officials, businessmen, intellectuals, revolutionists and former Qing officials, all of whom had experience of living and working in Qingdao under German occupation. Although German-occupied Qingdao was an imperial colony, it was nonetheless in constant interaction with its surrounding hinterland and the rest of China. Moreover, it is clear that the development of the colony played a not insignificant role in the minds of key opinion formers outside the colony in the shaping of modern Chinese nationalism. The study argues that as a showcase for German civilisation and technology, Qingdao had a very positive impact on the formation of ideas of nationhood and nationalism in China. For the various social groups under examination here as opinion formers Qingdao stimulated their imagination of nation. The interaction between Germans and Chinese in Qingdao not only challenged the ways in which Chinese thought of themselves it also led the Chinese to reevaluate their understandings of China and its needs for a modern nationalism. The Chinese in Qingdao came to appreciate the need for a modern Chinese state and saw colonisation less as a 'crisis' and more as an opportunity to aspire to a different, and differently imagined 'civilisation' not least through awe and admiration for the German occupying power. At the same time, this awe and admiration caused many officials and opinion formers to question the relationship between dynastic rule and a modern state, and led to wider questions of Chinese loyalty and social action.
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